Emphasis on the changing structure of the international system; the role of the nation-state and non-state actors; patterns of conflict and cooperation; the use of force, diplomacy and ideology; the interplay between politics and economics.
August 27,2: Earlier this month, for example, a bill to legalize abortion in the first 14 weeks of pregnancy was defeated in the Argentine Senate. This is the same body that in made Argentina the first Latin American country to legalize same-sex marriage with identical rights to heterosexual marriage.
And since that historic milestone, Argentina has enacted one of the most liberal laws on gender identity to be found anywhere in the world. Its code allows people to change the gender listed on their legal documents without a diagnosis of gender dysphoria or permission from a judge, as is required in most countries.
Most countries in Latin America have also enacted laws banning discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and in Mexico and Chile, it was even right-wing governments that did so. In the midst of all this history-making progress, the liberalization of abortion has lagged significantly.
If anything, in some countries, the picture for abortion rights is bleaker than ever. Save for in Cuba, Mexico City, and Uruguay, it remains a crime in Latin America in most circumstances for a woman to terminate a pregnancy.
The region is also home to four of the six countries in the world where abortion is banned in all circumstances: Chile exited this club only last year, when it began allowing abortions under very limited circumstances, but Brazil could take its place soon via a constitutional amendment.
The toll on Latin American women is staggering. Punishment is rare but not unheard of. Sincemore than women in El Salvador have been prosecuted for illegal abortions. The pro-abortion rights Guttmacher Institute reports that between andone in four of the 6. All the more puzzling is that, in recent decades, women have seized political power across much of Latin America as part of the so-called pink tidethe wave of noncommunist left-wing governments that have swept the region in the last several decades.
Conventional wisdom points to the Roman Catholic Church, a longtime arbiter of social policy in Latin America. In recent years, the Catholic Church has become more open to homosexuality and more closed to abortion.
On the other hand, the Vatican has hardened its opposition to abortion, sensing, perhaps, that the struggle for abortion has been lost in the developed West but could still be won in the global south.
The pope fiercely opposed the May referendum to legalize abortion in Ireland. Francis apparently reached out to Argentine legislators personally to push them to oppose the measure. After all, the Catholic playbook that was used to defeat the abortion law in Argentina is the same one that spectacularly failed against same-sex marriage.
But the Argentine Congress, a body overwhelmingly populated by Catholics, approved same-sex marriage anyway. Three other factors provide a more satisfying explanation for the divergent fates of LGBT rights, particularly same-sex marriage, and abortion rights in Latin America.
A more ignoble example of pinkwashing comes from Nicaragua under the leadership of current President Daniel Ortega. Pinkwashing is, of course, made possible by the fact that support in Latin America for LGBT rights, particularly same-sex marriage, has in recent years skyrocketed, making politicians want to be on the winning side of the issue.
For instance, when same-sex marriage was legalized in Argentina, it enjoyed the support of almost 60 percent of the public. The same is not true of abortion. But a less apparent reason for the viability of pinkwashing as a political strategy is related to the second reason LGBT rights have zoomed pass abortion rights: Their key strategy has been to name and shame those countries that violate the human rights of the LGBT community.
Human Rights Violations Based on Sexual Orientation, put a spotlight on discrimination and often-lethal violence against gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people in Latin America.
During the s, Outright was successful in getting victims of violence, especially from Argentina and Brazil, political asylum in the United States and Canada. After Spain became the first overwhelmingly Catholic nation to legalize same-sex marriage, init made LGBT rights a focus of its Latin America policy.The movement quickly launched a social media campaign to raise awareness about violence toward women with the hashtag #NiUnaMenos (Not one woman less), which went viral all over Latin America.
Nov 06, · Despite a recent weakening of term limits in Latin America, they still work. Mexico, for instance, with strict term limits since the early 20th century, has not had a classic dictator since.
Significantly, as democracy spread across much of Latin America, the realm of government became more inclusive (a trend that proved conducive to social movements), the economic ventures remained exclusive to a few elite groups within society.
History of Latin America, history of the region from the pre-Columbian period and including colonization by the Spanish and Portuguese beginning in the 15th century, the 19th-century wars of independence, and developments to the end of the 20th century.
Democracy belongs to no single nation, but rather it is the birthright of every person in every nation. That’s why the National Endowment for Democracy works in all corners of the globe, supporting democracy activists on six continents and in 90 countries.
I teach in the areas of comparative government, Latin America, and environmental politics. My research interests include ethnic politics, ethnic social movements and local governance, territorial politics, environmental justice, and institutional change in Latin America in general and Colombia in particular.